Inner Line Permits
(GS-II: Government policies and interventions for development in various sectors and issues arising out of their design and implementation)
In a bid to reopen the tourism sector, the Arunachal Pradesh government has decided to withdraw suspension on issuing ILP and Protected Area Permit to travellers as the COVID-19 situation in the northeastern State is “under control”.
What is an ILP?
It is a document required by non- natives to visit or stay in a state that is protected under the ILP system.
At present, four Northeastern states are covered, namely, Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram, Manipur and Nagaland. Inner line permit is also mandatory for entering into Lakshadweep.
Both the duration of stay and the areas allowed to be accessed for any non native are determined by the ILP.
The ILP is issued by the concerned state government and can be availed both by applying online or in person.
An ILP is only valid for domestic tourists.
The Inner Line Permit is an extension of the Bengal Eastern Frontier Regulation Act 1873.
After the British occupied the Northeast, the colonisers started exploiting the region and its resources for economic benefits.
They first started tea plantations and oil industries in Brahmaputra Valley.
The indigenous tribes living in the hill areas would regularly conduct raids into the plains to loot and plunder, marauding the tea gardens, oil rigs and trading posts set up by the British East India Company.
It was in this context that the BEFR 1873 was promulgated.
(GS-II: India and its neighbourhood- relations)
Taiwan recently reported that 38 Chinese military jets flew into its defence air zone, claiming it as one of the biggest incursions by Beijing.
Recent clashes between China and Taiwan:
China has increased diplomatic, economic and military pressure on Taiwan, whose residents overwhelmingly reject Beijing’s demand for political unification with the mainland.
China has long blocked Taiwan from taking part in the UN and other international organizations and has stepped up such pressure since the election of Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen in 2016.
Beijing considers Taiwan a province of China. Taiwan, on the other hand, considers itself to be a sovereign state. Relations between the two have historically been sour because of issues such as sovereignty, foreign relations and military build-up.
China- Taiwan relations- Background:
China has claimed Taiwan through its “one China” policy since the Chinese civil war forced the defeated Kuomintang, or Nationalist, to flee to the island in 1949 and has vowed to bring it under Beijing’s rule, by force if necessary.
While Taiwan is self-governed and de facto independent, it has never formally declared independence from the mainland.
Under the “one country, two systems” formula, Taiwan would have the right to run its own affairs; a similar arrangement is used in Hong Kong.
Presently, Taiwan is claimed by China, which refuses diplomatic relations with countries that recognise the region.
Indo- Taiwan relations:
Although they do not have formal diplomatic ties, Taiwan and India have been cooperating in various fields.
India has refused to endorse the “one-China” policy since 2010.
How Election Commission decides on party symbols?
(GS-II: Separation of powers between various organs dispute redressal mechanisms and institutions)
The Election Commission of India (ECI) has frozen the ‘Bungalow’ election symbol of the Lok Janshakti Party (LJP), so that neither of the two factions of the party will be able to use it in the coming Assembly byelections for the Kusheshwar Asthan and Tarapur seats in Bihar.
This is not something new. Over the last few years, two other prominent cases of parties splitting, followed by a tussle over the election symbol, have been seen with regard to the Samajwadi Party (Cycle) and the AIADMK (Two leaves) in 2017.
Firstly, how are symbols allotted to political parties?
As per the guidelines, to get a symbol allotted:
A party/candidate has to provide a list of three symbols from the EC’s free symbols list at the time of filing nomination papers.
Among them, one symbol is allotted to the party/candidate on a first-come-first-serve basis.
When a recognised political party splits, the Election Commission takes the decision on assigning the symbol.
Powers of Election Commission:
The Election Symbols (Reservation and Allotment) Order, 1968 empowers the EC to recognise political parties and allot symbols.
Under Paragraph 15 of the Order, it can decide disputes among rival groups or sections of a recognised political party staking claim to its name and symbol.
The EC is also the only authority to decide issues on a dispute or a merger. The Supreme Court upheld its validity in Sadiq Ali and another vs. ECI in 1971.
How many types of symbols are there?
As per the Election Symbols (Reservation and Allotment) (Amendment) Order, 2017, party symbols are either:
Reserved: Eight national parties and 64 state parties across the country have “reserved” symbols.
Free: The Election Commission also has a pool of nearly 200 “free” symbols that are allotted to the thousands of unrecognised regional parties that pop up before elections.
What are the Election Commission’s powers in a dispute over the election symbol when a party splits?
On the question of a split in a political party outside the legislature, Para 15 of the Symbols Order, 1968, states: “When the Commission is satisfied that there are rival sections or groups of a recognised political party each of whom claims to be that party the Commission may decide that one such rival section or group or none of such rival sections or groups is that recognised political party and the decision of the Commission shall be binding on all such rival sections or groups.”
This applies to disputes in recognised national and state parties (like the LJP, in this case). For splits in registered but unrecognised parties, the EC usually advises the warring factions to resolve their differences internally or to approach the court.
Please note that before 1968, the EC issued notifications and executive orders under the Conduct of Election Rules, 1961.
Jal Jeevan Mission (JJM)
(GS-II: Conservation related issues)
Prime Minister Narendra Modi launched a newly designed Jal Jeevan Mission (JJM) mobile application on October 2, 2021, Gandhi Jayanti.
The app would enable anyone to fund provision of tap water in rural parts of India.
About the Jal Jeevan Mission:
JJM envisages supply of 55 litres of water per person per day to every rural household through Functional Household Tap Connections (FHTC) by 2024.
It is under the Ministry of Jal Shakti.
It was launched in 2019.
The mission ensures:
It also encompasses:
The Mission is based on a community approach to water and includes extensive Information, Education and Communication as a key component of the mission.
JJM looks to create a jan andolan for water, thereby making it everyone’s priority.
The fund sharing pattern between the Centre and states is 90:10 for Himalayan and North-Eastern States, 50:50 for other states, and 100% for Union Territories.
Performance of the scheme:
As on date, tap water supply has been provided in 772,000 (76 per cent) schools and 748,000 (67.5 per cent) anganwadi centres.
United Nations Security Council
(GS-II: Important International institutions, agencies and fora, their structure, mandate)
North Korea has warned the UN Security Council against criticising the isolated country’s missile programme.
What’s the issue?
North Korea has warned the UNSC about the consequences it will bring in the future in case it tries to encroach upon the sovereignty of North Korea.
It has accused the UN body of a “double-dealing standard” because it doesn’t equally take issue with similar weapons tests by the U.S. and its allies.
After a six-month hiatus, North Korea resumed missile tests in September, launching newly developed missiles, including nuclear-capable weapons that place South Korea and Japan within their striking distances.
Under multiple UN Security Council resolutions, North Korea is banned from engaging in any ballistic missile activities as the country aims to mount nuclear weapons on its ballistic missiles.
The United Nations Charter established six main organs of the United Nations, including the United Nations Security Council (UNSC).
The Security Council has the power to make decisions that member states are then obligated to implement under the Charter.
Permanent and Non-Permanent Members: The UNSC is composed of 15 members, 5 permanent and 10 non-permanent.
Each year, the General Assembly elects five non-permanent members for a two-year term.
About Security Council Presidency:
The presidency of the Council is held by each of the members in turn for one month, following the English alphabetical order of the Member States names.
It rotates among the 15 member-states of the council monthly.
The head of the country’s delegation is known as the President of the United Nations Security Council.
The president serves to coordinate actions of the council, decide policy disputes, and sometimes functions as a diplomat or intermediary between conflicting groups.
Proposed UNSC reforms:
Reform of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) encompasses five key issues: categories of membership, the question of the veto held by the five permanent members, regional representation, the size of an enlarged Council and its working methods, and the Security Council-General Assembly relationship.
Case for Permanent Membership of India in UNSC:
India is the founding member of the UN.
Most significantly, India has almost twice the number of peacekeepers deployed on the ground than by P5 countries.
India is also the largest democracy and second-most populous country.
India’s acquired status of a Nuclear Weapons State (NWS) in May 1998 also makes India a natural claimant as a permanent member similar to the existing permanent members who are all Nuclear Weapon States.
India is the undisputed leader of the Third world countries, as reflected by its leadership role in Non-Aligned Movement and G-77 grouping.